Denys Kapustin, founder and commander of the Russian Volunteer Corps, says his unit has become a home for Russians who want to fight in Ukraine against President Vladimir Putin’s invading forces. A self-described Russian nationalist with a controversial far-right past, Mr. Kapustin argues that Moscow’s war is driven by imperial resentment rather than national interest, and warns that Europe is already facing the opening stages of a wider Russian campaign.
In this question-and-answer sit-down with Washington Times Special Correspondent Guillaume Ptak in Odesa, Ukraine, Mr. Kapustin talks about the dangers of underestimating Mr. Putin’s designs on conquest.
Question: What kinds of Russians join the Russian Volunteer Corps? What motivates them?
Answer: The Russian Volunteer Corps serves as a beacon for anti-Putin forces, for guys with glowing eyes and glowing hearts who want to do something. I would not say that the 18-year-olds who join my regiment understand war. But they understand that they do not want to be part of the evil.
They want to stay Russian, but they do not want to be labeled as rapists, marauders or killers. There are the so-called good Russians who left Russia because they did not want to comply. But my guys go a big step further. They do not just leave. They join the war and take the fight. That makes a very big difference.
Let the Russians who left at the beginning of the war be called good Russians. My guys are Russian heroes.
Q: You have long described yourself as a Russian nationalist, and you have been associated with far-right movements. How do you define yourself ideologically today?
A: I am a Russian nationalist. But Russian nationalism, or what is now called Russian nationalism, has taken a completely insane turn.
Throughout my life, I considered myself a Russian nationalist. That stayed with me. But in my mind, Russian nationalism is not about trying to kill everybody around you. It is not about considering Russia a besieged fortress.
We Russians should take inspiration from our historical ancestry, our culture, music, art and military history. We have great things and great achievements. We should preserve that culture. But my Russian nationalism was always aimed toward the Russian people as an ethnicity. It was never about proving that we are better than all the rest and killing them if they do not agree. That has nothing to do with nationalism. That is the insane vision of whatever is going on in Mr. Putin’s head.
Q: How do you separate your nationalism from the Kremlin’s idea of the “Russian world,” which claims the right to protect Russian speakers abroad?
A: I draw a line between Russian culture and Russian-speaking culture. … Regardless of what language a person speaks, if he does not consider himself part of a culture, why should you drag him into it? I do not think anybody should tell anyone what to eat, how to dress, whom to sleep with or how to vote.
This is what Mr. Putin is trying to do. He tries to force Ukraine and Ukrainians to love him. But you cannot force somebody to love you. The more you do that, the more they pull away.
If you want to spread an idea in the 21st century, you make it attractive. You build something people want to join. You do not come into their country with guns and start banning, killing and prohibiting.
Russia should close its borders for five or 10 years and concentrate on its own territory: people, roads, infrastructure, the economic model. We are the biggest country on the planet. When my soldiers capture Russian prisoners of war, I ask them: “What is the purpose of this war?” Some say, “I guess it is about territory.” I tell them: “You and I are citizens of the biggest country on this planet. We already have the most territory in the world, and you think we need more?”
If we are talking about nationalism, it should be about the prosperity of your nation, not prosperity at the expense of others.
Q: So you see no rational political or economic reason for the war?
A: None. To my mind, there are zero political and zero economic reasons for this war. It is based purely on Putin’s resentment.
When he said that the collapse of the Soviet Union was the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the 20th century, I think it was one of the rare moments when he was honest and sincere. What is happening now is an attempt to restore Soviet Union 2.0.
The guys who join the Russian Volunteer Corps do not want to live in Soviet Union 2.0. They do not want to live in a high-tech gulag.
Q: Do you believe Putin’s hold on power is weakening?
A: People in Moscow are becoming louder about “the old man.” They say the old man is losing his grip, that he is not aware, that he is not capable. These voices were impossible three months ago. There is definitely something going on, but what exactly, nobody understands.
Russia is like Byzantium. There is one czar, and everyone accepts it. If you come out of the shadows too early, they stop you. So everybody has to stay low.
They have eradicated political life in Russia. If politics is a struggle for power, then politics in Russia does not exist. Anyone who could be a political figure is dead, in exile or no longer a political figure.
Q: How have Ukrainians received a unit that openly calls itself Russian and whose commander calls himself a Russian nationalist?
A: We earned their trust. The level of acceptance, friendship and happiness is extreme. People ask me for photos in the streets. I think Ukrainians appreciate that we put our lives on the line for their country. They know we all took a one-way ticket. Many of my guys have Ukrainian girlfriends. Some already have children.
Q: Some Western conservatives see Putin’s Russia as a traditionalist, Christian, anti-woke bastion. Why do you think that view is wrong?
A: It is lies and nonsense.
Q: What is next for the Russian Volunteer Corps?
A: We continue doing what we do best: our military job and recruiting. In about 10 days, we will have a new batch of recruits coming from Russia. I use my personal popularity as a point of growth for the Corps. I was never fame-seeking, but if people hear about us, join us, donate, pay attention and help, then we get stronger.
Prisoners of war who want to join the Ukrainian army are a clear minority in the RDK, under 25%, I would say. The Corps consists mainly of volunteers. That is how I want to keep it. Most Russians who join are not people who were living in Ukraine. They are people who leave Russia for good.
Q: What message do you want Western readers to take from this war?
A: Putin’s war against Ukraine is not a war against the Ukrainian nation alone. It is a war against Europe and the West in general.
People feel comfortable in Berlin, Bern, Barcelona or wherever. They think: Russian tanks cannot even capture Donbas, so this will never happen here. But your war will look completely different.
Hybrid war is already ongoing. We have Russian spies setting things on fire. We have ammunition factories exploding in Bulgaria. We have drones flying over airports. If I were a Russian intelligence officer trying to cause chaos in Europe, I would not need a full-scale invasion. I would put drones over airports such as Charles de Gaulle, Heathrow and Hamburg and make three or four explosions at main train stations; that would be enough.
Russia is preparing for permanent war. They say openly that they are not fighting Ukraine, but NATO, the collective West. People in Europe do not need complicated intelligence briefings. Switch on Russian television for one hour a day. Watch what they say about you. Then you will understand.
Please read our comment policy before commenting.